Mitaines pour ne pas avoir les doigts engourdis à force de tenir la banderole, béret pour ne pas prendre froid et poing en l’air, Lassaad, 54 ans dont plus de trente passés à militer à gauche, est prêt à parcourir sereinement les quelque 800 mètres de l’avenue Habib-Bourguiba, au cœur de Tunis. Il sait gérer une manifestation, quand bien même elle revêt, comme dimanche, un double caractère : célébrer les 7 ans de la chute du régime de Ben Ali et exiger le retrait de la loi de finances, qui cristallise, depuis le début de la semaine, la colère contre la cherté de la vie. Le partisan du Front populaire, coalition de partis d’opposition de gauche, sait aussi reconnaître les pièges tendus par le pouvoir. Samedi, après une réunion au palais présidentiel, des responsables de la coalition au pouvoir ont tendu la main au Front populaire pour qu’il rejoigne le gouvernement.
Tag Archives: Tunisia
Un mort déjà. Des dizaines d’arrestations. Tel est le premier bilan des journées d’intenses mobilisations qui se sont étendues dans de nombreuses villes du pays depuis jeudi dernier dont certaines à l’appel du mouvement « Fech nestanaou ». Kasserine, Thala, Sidi Bouzid, Gafsa, Tebourba, Meknassi, Sousse, Sfax, Tunis, Sidi Ali Ben Aoun, Bouhajla, Kebili, Sakiet Sidi Youssef, Ben Arous, Bizerte et autres villes tunisiennes, ont été le théâtre de multiples formes d’action, manifestations, rassemblements, blocages des routes, qui se sont poursuivis parfois tard dans la nuit par des affrontements avec les forces de police. Le mobile immédiat de ces mobilisations, face auxquelles le gouvernement privilégie la manière forte, est l’augmentation générale des prix consécutive à la mise en œuvre de la nouvelle loi des finances. Mais d’autres revendications n’ont pas tardées à surgir qui mettent directement en cause l’ensemble de la politique économique et sociale du gouvernement. Les jeunes et les moins jeunes qui descendent dans la rue appartiennent pour la plupart aux classes populaires les plus défavorisés, en particulier celles des régions et des quartiers marginalisés depuis des décennies. L’exaspération sociale dont témoignent ces mouvements de protestations est cependant bien plus large. La baisse constante du pouvoir d’achat, la dégradation du niveau de vie, la déliquescence croissante du service public, l’incertitude quant à l’avenir concernent également les classes dites moyennes.
In a now-signature move, the government of Tunisia on 16 May again extended the state of emergency that has been in place since a series of deadly attacks carried out by Islamic State (IS) in 2015.The Los Angeles Times explains that Tunisia’s emergency law “gives the government stepped-up powers to deal with suspected terrorists but also curtails to a degree the rights of ordinary citizens”, such as freedom of assembly.
Surprisingly, Youssef Chahed, the new Tunisian appointed Prime Minister, succeeded on Friday in securing the confidence of the parliament after long rounds of negotiations among political parties and civil society organizations.
With 167 out of 2017 votes, members of the parliament officially advocated Chahed proposed cabinet of 26 ministers and 14 secretaries of state.
Outside the front door of our hotel in downtown Tunis a ceremony was taking place.
Habib Bourguiba – viewed by some as the founder of the nation, by others as a notorious despot – was restored to his former glory in the form of a bronze statue. Bourguiba on his horse dominates the main drag, an echo of the Champs Elysee.
One of Bourguiba’s final acts as president before he was deposed 30 years ago, was to order the retrial of a prominent member of the opposition. Life imprisonment was not enough for Bourguiba. He wanted to execute the man.
That man on death row was Sheikh Rached Ghannouchi, the spiritual leader of the Arab Spring – and revered by many as the founding father of post-revolutionary Tunisia.
Ghannouchi, like Mandela, risks all for reconciliation and democracy | Middle East Eye
Inviato da Maxthon Cloud Browser
Five years ago the Guardian asked me to evaluate the effects of the Tunisian uprising on the rest of the Arab world, and specifically Syria. I recognised the country was “by no means exempt from the pan-Arab crisis of unemployment, low wages and the stifling of civil society”, but nevertheless argued that “in the short to medium term, it seems highly unlikely that the Syrian regime will face a Tunisia-style challenge”.
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That was published on 28 January 2011. On the same day a Syrian called Hasan Ali Akleh set himself alight in protest against the Assad regime in imitation of Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation in Tunisia. Akleh’s act went largely unremarked, but on 17 February tradesmen at Hareeqa in Damascus responded to police brutality by gathering in their thousands to chant “The Syrian people won’t be humiliated”. This was unprecedented. Soon afterwards, the Deraa schoolboys were arrested and tortured for writing anti-regime graffiti. When their relatives protested on 18 March, and at least four were killed, the spiralling cycle of funerals, protests and gunfire was unleashed. In 2011, I wrote that Assad personally was popular, and so he remained until his 30 March speech to the ill-named People’s Assembly. Very many had suspended judgment until that moment, expecting an apology for the killings and an announcement of serious reforms. Instead, Assad threatened, indulged in conspiracy theories, and, worse, giggled repeatedly.
A cinque anni dalle rivoluzioni arabe, in molti parlano di arretramento e di peggioramento nei due paesi faro delle “primavere”, l’Egitto e la Tunisia. Ma se l’oggi è peggiore di ieri, di quale ieri stiamo parlando? E se tutto fosse colpa non delle rivoluzioni ma del fatto che non sono state ancora portate a termine? I rivoluzionari sono disperati ed esausti ma allo stesso tempo parlano della prossima rivoluzione.
Hosni Kaliya pulls a cigarette out of his pack with his mouth. When he poured gasoline on his body and set himself on fire, most of his right hand was consumed by the flames and all that remains is a stump without fingers. He still has four fingers on his left hand, but they jut out like claws, burned, stiff and contorted. His fingernails are curled. He wears black wool gloves with the fingertips cut off, so that they won’t dangle emptily. A knit cap protects Kaliya’s head, where his hair was burned off, and his unusually small ears. But the disfigured face, the work of doctors using old and new skin, how could he hide that?
This year’s Nobel Peace Prize went to Tunisia’s National Dialogue Quartet “for its decisive contribution to the building of a pluralistic democracy… in the wake of the Jasmine Revolution of 2011.” The Quartet is a group of four organizations — two national labor unions, a business group, and a lawyers’ association — whose work helped prevent Tunisia from sliding into civil war in the years following that “revolution.”
Seeing the peace prize go to an organization that actually seems to have kept the peace is cheering news in a month that witnessed the military of one former Nobel laureate destroying a hospital run by another winner. Doctors Without Borders (Médecins Sans Frontières) certainly earned its 1999 Peace Prize by providing medical services to people in more than 80 countries, often working in some of the most dangerous places on earth. On the other hand, as far as anyone can tell, a weary Nobel committee gave Barack Obama his prize in 2009 mostly for not being George W. Bush.
After two years of division and various provisions, Tunisia’s democratically elected 217-member unicameral parliament legislated a new counterterrorism law on July 24.
It was passed with overwhelming approval: While 172 voted in favour, 10 members abstained, and only a limited number of members objected the law.
This bill may have been legally adopted, but that doesn’t make it right .